Location:Home Legalist Classics
THE BOOK OF LORD SHANG (商君书) 2: Translator’s Introduction: Shang Yang and the Rise of Ch’in
By Anonymous
2008-12-08 07:20:35
 

I N T R O D U C T I O N

CHAPTER I: Shang Yang in History

1. Shang Yang and the rise of Ch’in


p.1 The name of Shang Yang is connected with the phenomenal rise of the state of Ch’in. In little more than a century, that state, from being an insignificant and backward country on the far western borders of China, where, separated as it was, by a belt of highlands, it took little part in the life of Chinese civilization, rose to such a commanding position, that it swallowed up the various feudal states and put an end to the existence of the Chou dynasty, which had been tottering for a long time. The Ch’in dynasty (113), which was then founded, although it was short-lived, made a deep and lasting mark on Chinese history. Its first Emperor, Shih-huang-ti, was a powerful personality, who made a clean sweep of the institutions of the past. With him the ancient history of China closes and a new era begins.

Historians have marvelled at this success. Ssu-ma Ch’ien writes (114): « It would not have succeeded but for the advantage of its position, which was difficult of approach and well defended, and had it not been favoured by its configuration; it would seem that it was aided by Heaven.

p.2 In the famous essay of the young and brilliant scholar Chia I (115) on the “Mistakes of Ch’in” (116), the reasons for Ch’in’s greatness and fall are analysed. It is shown that the methods which served Ch’in to reach its aims were not altered when the whole empire had been unified under its sway; how the reign of Ch’in Shih -huang-ti was tyrannical and severe and how he thereby estranged all sincere people and surrounded himself with flatterers. Chia I begins the account of Ch’in’s rise with the period of Shang Yang, who first introduced the measures, which were calculated to make Ch’in into a powerful country. The whole passage is worth quoting.

« Duke Hsiao of Ch’in based himself on the stro ngholds of the Hsiao and Hsien passes (117); he held the territory of the province of Yung (118); Prince and Ministers kept a close guard and watched the House of Chou. He cherished the idea of rolling the empire up like a mat, of lifting up the whole world in his arms and of tying up the four seas in a sack; moreover he had the intention of swallowing up the eight wild countries. At this time the Lord of Shang (119) assisted him; in the interior he fixed models and measures (120), gave his attention to farming and weaving, and made the necessary preparations for defence and attack; p.3 abroad he extended the territory in an uninterrupted way from west to east (121) and fought with the feudal lords. Hereupon the people of Ch’in, with folded hands (122), obtained the land, beyond the west River. Another interesting testimony we find in a section of the Hsin-hsü by Liu Hsiang (first century B.C.) which has only been preserved in P’ei Yin’s commentary on the Shih-chi (123). It says:

« Duke Hsiao of Ch’in defended the strongholds of the Hsiao Mountains and the Hsien-ku Pass, in order to extend the territory of Yung-chow (124). In the East he annexed Ho-hsi (125) and in the North he occupied the Shang chün (126). His state became rich and the army strong and he dominated all the feudal lords. The House of Chou came under his control, and from all quarters of the Empire congratulations were addressed to Ch’in as the leader of the fighting states. Ch’in thereupon became so strong that in six generations it annexed all the feudal states; this likewise was the result of the plans p.4 laid by the Lord of Shang. Indeed the Lord of Shang worked with his whole person and had only one thought. He was entirely devoted to the public weal and did not think of himself; at home, he caused the people to be active in the work of agriculture and weaving, in order to enrich the state, and abroad, to attach importance to the rewards for fighting, so as to encourage brave soldiers; his laws and orders were enacted rigorously; in the capital he did not flatter nobles and favourites, and in the province he was impartial with regard to those who were distant, with the result that, when his orders were issued, forbidden actions stopped, when his laws were published, crime ceased. Therefore, although the Shu-ching says (127): “Without deflection, without partiality”, and the Ode says (128):
The way of Chou was like a whetstone,
And straight as an arrow,
in the Law of Ssu-ma (129), which exhorts brave soldiers, and in Hou-chi (130) of the Chou dynasty, who encourages agriculture, there is nothing to change this conception and this is the way by which the feudal states have been annexed. Therefore Sun Ch’ing (131) says: « To conquer for four generations is not luck, but calculation. However, without faith the feudal lords fear but do not love.

Now with regard to the Lords Protector like Duke Huan of Ch’I and Wen of Chin, p.5 Huan did not break the covenant of Ko (132) and Wen did not violate the term set at Yüan (133), so that the feudal lords feared their power but also loved and trusted them; they saved tottering states and continued extinct dynasties and thus the four corners of the Empire came within their power. All this was due to the plans laid down by Kuan Chung and Chiu Fan (134).

Now the Lord of Shang repudiated the old favours of Prince Ang (135) and disregarded good faith in his relations with Wei, taking by deceit the masses of the three armies. Therefore the feudal lords feared his power but did not love and trust him. Now supposing Duke Hsiao had met men like Huan of Chi and Wen of Chin, who would have obtained the leadership of the feudal states, who would have set about to unite the princes of the feudal states and who would have driven the armies of the Empire to attack Ch’in, then Ch’in would have been ruined. There being no Huan or Wen in the Empire, p.6 Ch’in succeeded in annexing all the feudal states. Wei Yang at first thought that he knew the virtues of a Lord Protector or King (136), but really his actions do not bear comparison (with men like Huan and Wen).

Of old, Shao (137) of the Chou family exercised a virtuous government, and when he had died, the later generations still thought of him. This is the meaning of the Ode “The umbrageous sweet pear-tree” (138); for he had rested under that pear-tree and later generations, remembering his virtue, could not bear to hew it down. How much less would they have harmed his person ! When Kuan Chung obtained the three hundred families of the city of the Po family, there was not a word of resentment (139). But now Wei Yang in the interior made a cruel use of the punishments of sword and saw and abroad he was deeply steeped in killing by means of the war-axe. Whosoever used paces more than six feet p.7 long was punished (140), and whosoever threw ashes on the Street incurred bodily punishment. One day he sentenced criminals, more than seven hundred men, on the brink of the Wei river, so that the water of the Wei became entirely red (141), and the Sound of crying and weeping stirred up heaven and earth; the discontent and hatred which he heaped up was like a mountain, and when he fled, he could hide nowhere, was received nowhere, and he died and was torn to pieces by chariots, and his whole family was exterminated without even leaving their names.

This was indeed far from the way of a helper of a Lord Protector or a King ! However, that King Hui killed him was also wrong. He could have assisted him and been useful. Suppose Wei Yang had practised a magnanimous and equitable law, had added to that a measure of grace, and in his announcements had kept faith, he might perhaps have become an assistant of a Lord Protector.

 

Copyright: The New Legalist Website      Registered: Beijing ICP 05073683      E-mail: alexzhaid@163.com   lusherwin@yahoo.com